The qualitative analysis of the data gathered for this study yielded six main themes presented in Table 2 below. The interview guide is included in Appendix I.
Theme 1: typical foods eaten by participants
Participants described their usual food as predominantly traditional, starchy, carbohydrate-based dishes comprising rice and other grains, with tomato sauce, meat, fish, vegetables, tubers, and special red oils, referred to as palm oil. The most popular dishes consumed were traditional vegetable soup, usually spicy and well-seasoned, and often eaten with rice or other starchy carbohydrates such as pounded yam or cassava (garri), and rice and curry soup. The main meal was usually consumed at lunch, described as heavy, with a slightly smaller portion of the same meal often consumed in the evening. Snacking between meals was common, with fruits and vegetables reportedly eaten by some of the participants. Mealtimes varied between individuals, depending on their work schedules. The majority of the participants reported having their breakfast between 08:00–10:00 am; the rest of the participants reported breakfast consumption between 06:00–07:30 am. Most participants said that they consumed their lunch between 12:00–2:00 pm, and for dinner, mostly later in the evening between 8:00–10:00 pm.
Theme 2: food preferences and routines
The second overarching theme is related to food preferences and routines. Although participants stated that they preferred traditional food over British food, they stated that traditional food requires more time for preparation compared to British food. They perceived British dishes to be faster, more readily available, and more convenient. Some of the participants claimed that they struggle to combine their busy working lives with food preparation, and this prevents them from eating traditional food as often as they like:
“Usually weekends, I cook traditional foods. My routine determines my food choices. If I have time, I will spend more time preparing my traditional foods. If I have a shorter time, I will make something like pasta, depending on the time. Work-life with family life altogether. Now it is harder.” (SDN 05, 38-year-old female, Nigerian, second-generation immigrant).
Some participants also claimed that they eat British food while at work because it is more convenient and readily available:
“British food is quick to pick up, readily available wherever you go, and it is convenient.” (SDN 09, 35-year-old male, Nigerian, first-generation immigrant).
The frequency and times of eating traditional food and British food varied among the participants. Some participants claimed they eat traditional food every day, eating it for lunch or dinner, while others stated that they eat it at least once a week. The results also revealed that many participants eat British food for breakfast while traditional foods are reserved for lunch and dinner. They tend to take traditional food leftovers from dinner to work for lunch the next day:
“If I’m working, I bring my traditional food as lunch from home. Which is what is left over from my dinner the previous day.” (SDN 07, 37-year-old male, Nigerian, first-generation immigrant).
Generational differences in food preferences were recorded among the participants. Almost all participants who are first-generation immigrants (n = 14) indicated that they prefer traditional foods over British foods, and they eat their traditional food more frequently:
“I love my African dishes. I take it regularly.” (SDN 04, 60-year-old female, Ghanaian, first-generation immigrant).
In contrast, all participants who are second-generation immigrants (n = 4) claimed they prefer British foods and seldomly eat their traditional foods:
“I don’t have it as much as English foods because of how heavy it is.” (SDN 14, 25-year-old female, Ghanaian, second-generation immigrant).
Although participants stated that they eat fruit and vegetables every day, only four of them met the UK government recommendation of five fruit and vegetables a day:
“Fruits and vegetables are my main food because of my medical condition. I take more than five fruits and vegetables a day.” (SDN 06, 36-year-old male, Nigerian, second-generation immigrant).
Theme 3: social and cultural factors
Within the overarching theme of social and cultural factors, two sub-themes were found: (1) the social and cultural meaning of food and (2) participants’ perceptions of their traditional food versus British food.
Sub-theme 1: social and cultural meaning of food
Participants, both first- and second-generation immigrants, acknowledged that the meaning of traditional foods, to them, went beyond the basic supply of health or energy and encompassed social and cultural meaning.
Many participants described traditional food as being familiar food with which they grew up, which was part of their family heritage.
Some of the participants described traditional food as a source of memories from their home country:
“Most of the time when I don’t travel to Nigeria, but anytime I eat my traditional food here, it brings me back home. Especially how Nigeria is and how you grew up.” (SDN 07, 37-year-old male, Nigerian, first-generation immigrant).
Some participants reported that they had food-related cultural and religious beliefs. Several participants admitted that they were not compliant with their religious injunctions when making food choices. They attributed their non-compliance to the poor availability of special foodstuffs, such as the scarcity of halal meat:
“I eat some British foods. But because we don’t eat beef or pork, it has become difficult for us to choose.” (SDN 15, 48-year-old female, Mauritian, first-generation immigrant).
Sub-theme 2: perception of traditional foods versus british food
Participants distinguished between their traditional food and British food. They took ownership of their traditional food by using personalised terms such as ‘my food’ or ‘food we eat’. In contrast, they refer to British food as ‘their food’ or ‘food they eat’. The importance of traditional food was expressed by some of the participants, who indicated that it is part of them and therefore it is very important.
They compared traditional food with British food in different terms and reported differences relating to taste, health benefits, satisfaction and methods of food preparation. Most of the participants (n = 14) described traditional foods as tastier, spicy and enjoyable; they thought that this was because traditional foods are garnished with different seasonings, which they claimed is lacking in British foods:
“When I eat it, I enjoy the taste because that is the only time, I get to eat so much pepper. It is spicy; I like my food spicy.” (SDN 01, 45-year-old male, Nigerian, first-generation immigrant).
The majority (n = 13) of participants referred to British food as less tasty, bland and not exciting. When they were asked to describe British food, some of the participants referred to it as boring. Indeed, one participant stated:
“British food doesn’t taste great, in my opinion.” (SDN 02, 24- year-old male, Nigerian, first-generation immigrant).
In contrast, some of the participants described British food as very tasty:
“British foods are quite tasty; [it] all depends on what you choose to eat.” (SDN12, 40-year-old female, South- African, first-generation immigrant).
Theme 4: accessibility and availability of traditional foods
The third overarching theme relates to accessibility and availability of foods and is divided into two sub-themes: (1) availability of traditional food and (2) cost and time.
Sub-theme 1: availability of traditional foods
The availability of traditional foods in participants’ neighbourhoods and the quality of such foods were discussed. The findings in this study do not indicate a problem with the availability of traditional foods in local shops; indeed, many of the participants expressed their relief that many food shops in their neighbourhoods sell traditional foods. Consequently, they did not have to travel far and believed that traditional foods are available and can be accessed easily:
“The foods are available in Medway; you can also travel to London to buy them, they are available.” (SDN 10, 50-year-old female, Zimbabwean, first-generation immigrant).
That said, some participants still preferred to travel to London to buy their foodstuffs because of the belief that such items are fresher and are of higher quality, including a variety of special ingredients, compared to those available in local shops:
“We tend to go to London to get our foods. Hamm in terms of quality; I just prefer to buy in London. The one they sell in London is fresher than the one they sell around [here].” (SDN 11, 30-year-old male, Nigerian, first-generation immigrant).
Sub-theme 2: cost and time
Participants’ perceptions of the influence of cost on their food choices differed from individual to individual. However, it was observed that participants’ socioeconomic status (SES) and age played a factor in how each participant perceived the impact of cost on their food choices. When participants were asked about the factors that influence their food choices, although some did not view cost as a prerequisite, they believed that traditional foods are affordable, especially for the working class. Those with the opinion that the cost of food did not influence their food choice were found to be participants with medium/high SES or younger participants with lesser financial commitments. For instance, one participant, who is a professional nurse, stated:
“If you are working, you can buy any food in this country. It is not that expensive in the Asian shop; you can buy three plantains for £1.20, and that is not too much, and it can be served between three people in the house.” (SDN 04, 60-year-old, female, Ghanaian, first-generation immigrant).
In contrast, the cost of food had a great influence on food choices for some participants with low SES. They stressed that the first thing they consider before buying any food is whether they can afford it. If the food is too expensive, they will instead look for bargains or alternatives. This experience was shared by one of the unemployed participants:
“… I look at the price; to be honest, I don’t look at the ingredients that much.” (SDN 08, 34-year-old female, Zimbabwean, first-generation immigrant).
Moreover, time was also a crucial factor in participants’ food choices. Many participants highlighted that their work schedule and busy lifestyles sometimes prevent them from eating their preferred food. Some participants indicated that they have no choice but to regularly eat ‘takeaway’ food because of their busy schedules:
“We buy takeaway because both of us work; it depends on when I and my wife get home. If it is in the evening because both of us are working and we have to feed the children, we might grab something. We will buy fish and chips on our way home or quick takeaway like Madonna’s, just for convenience.” (SDN 03, 45-year-old male, Turkish, second-generation immigrant).
Theme 5: health and healthy eating
Another overarching theme identified in the interview transcript was health and healthy eating, which was categorized into two subthemes: (1) nutrition and health and (2) perception of healthy eating.
Sub-theme 1: nutrition and health
Participants reported that healthy eating was important because it benefitted their health. Therefore, they tried to substitute unhealthy foods with healthy options by eating low-calorie foods instead of traditional starchy foods. This was to prevent non-communicable diseases, such as diabetes:
“We are trying to avoid white potatoes, the sweet potatoes because of these diabetes things happening, so we tend to look at what is recommended as healthier every time. We do eat them but not as much. So, it’s brown rice, brown bread, even the bread we have cut down bread to be sometimes we don’t eat bread in the house for two good months.” (SDN 10, 50-year-old female, Zimbabwean, second-generation immigrant).
The participants also discussed the perceived health benefits of foods. Some participants believed that certain traditional foods are medicinal:
“Pepper soup clears my system; my body feels good, and all my organs are working well. If I am feeling cold, I eat pepper soup.” (SDN01, 45-year-old male, Nigerian, first-generation immigrant).
However, some participants rightly noted that healthy eating alone, without being physically active, is not enough for good health.
“But if you eat a healthy diet and not too much and you do exercise you will be healthy.” (SDN 07, 37-year-old male, Nigerian, first-generation immigrant).
Sub-theme 2: perception of healthy eating
Many participants perceived themselves to have good knowledge about healthy eating. All participants agreed that healthy eating involves a balanced diet containing the correct proportion of nutrients. Many participants agreed that eating in moderation is healthy, implying that one should not eat too much at once. Some participants mentioned that consuming less fat is healthy. Almost all participants mentioned that substituting red meat with fish or chicken and not eating too many eggs was healthy eating:
“Vegetables, the greens, broccoli, peas. In terms of going deeper, it means [a] balance[d] diet, having a variety of different vitamins within your dietary intake, not having full meal but having an adequate meal at regular intervals.” (SDN 05, 38-year-old female, Nigerian, second-generation immigrant).
In addition to fruit and vegetables, among common healthy foodstuffs, the participants mentioned some traditional starchy foods. Unprocessed and fresh foods were also classified as healthy food:
“Fruit and vegetables because I like my salad as well. They are the healthiest foods that I consume, and my home-cooked stew, whether rice or pasta, my pounded yam and okra or spinach soup. Those are the type of foods that I believe is healthy. As long as they are not processed and freshly made, I believe it is healthy.” (SDN 07, 37-year-old male, Nigerian, first-generation immigrant).
Theme 6: perceptions of healthy eating resources
Within the overarching theme of perceptions of healthy eating resources, two sub-themes were identified: (1) barriers and facilitators to the use of healthy eating resources and (2) culturally responsive healthy eating resources.
Sub-theme 1: barriers and facilitators to the use of healthy eating resources
Almost all participants were aware of the daily five fruits and vegetables recommendation. Participants were also aware of health-related information on food packaging, but only a few participants, who were healthcare workers, claimed to have heard of the Eatwell Guide.
With regards to participants’ awareness of healthy eating resources, some participants stated that they do not use the resources:
“I must admit, I don’t use any of them. I don’t even look at colours or calories when I buy food … I have never looked at the guides – I … never have.” (SDN 12, 40-year-old female, South-African, first-generation immigrant).
Barriers to using the UK’s healthy eating resources included a lack of nutritional knowledge and a perception that they are not well marketed to create widespread awareness. Some of the participants reported that they would use healthy eating resources if there was greater publicity and awareness:
“I hear about it, like now it will get me to think about it and the implication on my health. It will affect me a little while before it goes away from me.” (SDN 05, 38-year-old female, Nigerian, second-generation immigrant).
Other barriers to the use of healthy eating resources mentioned by participants included misconceptions of healthy eating and poor attitudes toward healthy eating. Even if individuals have good knowledge, some participants still felt this would not make any difference; people will continue to eat their usual foods. One participant expressed dissatisfaction with the government trying to impose healthy eating on people:
“I am not really into the government telling me what I need to eat. I eat what I think is good for me and what I enjoy eating. People don’t bother. They just eat.” (SDN 07, 37-year-old male, Nigerian, first-generation immigrant).
Sub-theme 2: culturally responsive healthy eating resources
The participants discussed the appropriateness of government healthy eating resources in terms of accessibility of accessing information, how the resources have failed to meet their requirements, and the difficulties that participants encountered in trying to adapt the information to traditional foods. Some participants believed that the United Kingdom government only targets the white majority group with healthy eating resources, and examples of traditional multi-ethnic foods are not included in the healthy eating resources:
“I think they have targeted the majority of people. The percentage of the black people is not as much when compared with the white, maybe that is why they use the foods that majority are familiar with.” (SDN 11, 30-year-old male, Nigerian, first-generation immigrant).
It is likely that the government’s source of healthy eating information may not be appropriate or accessible to communities with diverse ethnicity:
“I know the public health [Public Health England] is responsible for all those things. The council Public Health will probably help the department to do all those things, but we don’t normally go to all those places.” (SDN 10, 50-year old female, Zimbabwean, first-generation immigrant).
Other participants believed that some communities with minority ethnicity would not normally seek information through a government’s website. Some participants shared that most individuals from communities with minority ethnicity may have a poor attitude to checking government information from official websites. According to perspectives shared at the interviews, people from communities with diverse ethnicity in the United Kingdom would rather seek information from social media or rely on their social or religious groups:
“I will rather seek information through social media or magazines on healthy food. Then I compare it with my local foods; sometimes they set the alertness of dangers of most of the foods like palm kernel.” (SDN 04, 60-year-old female, Ghanaian, first-generation immigrant).
